ABSTRACT
This Dissertation titled „A Socio-pragmatic study of Ohafia Proverbs‟ was embarked upon by the researcher with the aim of drawing the attention of the Ohafia dialect speakers, proverb users, linguists, and the world to the dynamics, as well as the peculiarities associated with the use of Ohafia proverbs. This is done by pointing out the necessity of interpreting Ohafia proverbs within the confines of the cultural contexts in which they are used. This research answered questions on the relationship between the proverbs and the worldview of the people, the reason for the preference of the use of proverbs, instead of literal sentences in conversational situations, the role of context of culture and situation in the understanding and interpretation of Ohafia proverbs, and the place of social demography in the use of proverbs. In the course of reviewing related literature, it was observed by the researcher that although a number of works have been done on proverbs, and more specifically, on Igbo proverbs, little or nothing had been done on Ohafia proverbs, especially when placed side by side with the Ohafia society. The researcher, therefore, studied Ohafia proverbs, using Leech‟s Socio-pragmatic theory and Sapir-Whorf‟s linguistic relativity hypothesis as models, side by side with a look into the elements of background cultural knowledge, and the possible contexts of culture and situation contained in the proverbs. For easy assessment and analysis, these proverbs were arranged in a tabular form and categorized into two: opaque and transparent. After the tabular analysis, a general discussion followed, where the researcher evaluated the authenticity of the linguistic relativism hypothesis by finding possible relationships between the world view of the Ohafia people and their proverbs, and use of proverbs. In this process, the place of the Ohafia cultures, climate/weather, food, ways of dressing, social hierarchy, age, gender, relationships and beliefs, in the understanding and use of Ohafia proverbs were ascertained. It was, therefore found that among other things, the proverbs of Ohafia people cannot be used without background knowledge of their worldview. Also, the predominant preoccupations of Ohafia people (warring or serving as mercenaries, and hunting/farming) are very much reflected in their proverbs. By getting educated on Ohafia proverbs and their peculiarities, a person becomes familiar with the philosophies, traditions, culture and overall worldview of the Ohafia people.
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Title Page ……………………………………………………………………………………...…. i
Declaration............................................................................................... ii
Certification............................................................................................ iii
Dedication................................................................................................ iv
Acknowledgements.................................................................................. v
Table of
ContentsAbstract ………. ……………...……………………………………………………………….. viii CHAPTER ONE: INTRODUCTION ......................................... vii
1.0. Background to
the Study ……………………………………….………………………… 1
1.1. A
Sociocultural Background of the Ohafia-Igbo People …………………………………. 2
1.2. The Ohafia
People and Proverbs ………………….…………….………………………… 6
1.3. Statement of the Research Problem
……………………………………….……………..…. 8
1.4. Research
Questions ………………………………………………………………...……..
9
1.5. Aim and
Objectives …………………………………………………………………..…… 9
1.6.
Scope and Delimitation …………………………………………………………..……….10 1.7. Justification for the
Study……………………………………..………………………….11 CHAPTER
TWO: LITERATURE REVIEW
2.0. Introduction …………………………………………………………………………...…….12
2.1. Language ……………………………………………………………………………...…… 12
2.2. Proverbs ……………………………………………………………………………...……. 13
2.3. Aspects of Sociolinguistics
………………………………………………………….…….. 16
2.4. Aspects of Pragmatics …………………………………………………………………….. 25
2.5, Dell Hymes‟ Ethnography of communication
…….……………………………….……… 37
2.6. Sapir- Whorf Hypothesis …………………………………………………….…….……… 41
2.7. Authorial Review ……………………………………………………………………….…. 44
2.8. Theoretical Framework ……………………………………………………………………. 57
CHAPTER THREE: RESEARCH METHODOLOGY
3.0.Introduction …………………………………………………………………..…………….. 61
3.1. Sources of Data …………………………………………………………………….……… 61
3.2. Methods of Data Collection …………………………………………………..…………… 62
3.3. Analytical Techniques …………………………………………………………………….. 62
CHAPTER FOUR: PRESENTATION AND ANALYSIS OF DATA
4.0. Introduction …………………………………………………………………………..…… 64
4.1. Data Presentation …………………………………………………………………………...64
4.1. Analysis and General Discussion
……………………………………………………….… 78
4.2. Findings ……………………………………………………………..…………………… 103
CHAPTER FIVE: SUMMARY AND CONCLUSION
5.0.Introduction ………………………………………………………………………...……... 105
5.1.
Summary……………………………………………………………………………...…... 105 5.2. Conclusion
……………………………………………...……………………………...… 106
REFERENCES …………………………………………………………..………...………..... 108
CHAPTER ONE
INTRODUCTION
1.0 Background to the Study
Human culture, social behaviour and
thinking cannot exist in the absence of language. Language is the prime vehicle with which
meaning is conveyed. According to Hall (1968:158) “Language is the institution
whereby humans communicate and interact with each other by means of habitually
used oral symbols”. Jesperson (1933:1) remarks: “Language is nothing but a set
of human habits, the purpose of which is to give expression to thought and
feeling and especially to impart them to others”. ”Language is a set (finite or
infinite) of sentences, each finite in length, and constructed out of a finite
set of elements” (Chomsky, 1957).Leech and Short (2001) maintain that language
performs a number of functions, and a piece of language is likely to be the
result of choices made on different functional levels. Based on all the above
definitions, Language is a semiotic symbol, by which man expresses himself, at
the heart of which is communication. Proverbs generally constitute the
mechanism of language that helps to spice up a communication process.
Defining a proverb at the initial stage
proved to be a very difficult task because different scholars always came up
with different seemingly non-related definitions. Hence Archre Taylor‟s classic
“the definition of a proverb is too difficult to repay the undertaking… An
incommunicable quality tells us this sentence is proverbial and that one is
not. Hence, no definition will enable us to identify positively a sentence as
proverbial”(1934;25). Another common reference is from Lord Russel (1850), as
cited by Meider (1993:67), “a proverb is the wit of one and the wisdom of
many”. More constructively, Meider(1993) proposes the following definition “a
proverb is a short generally known sentence of the folk, which contains wisdom,
truth, morals and traditional views in a metaphorical, fixed and memorable
form, and which is handed down from generation to generation”. For Akmajian et
al (2008:91) proverbs are “…traditional sayings, having a fixed general
sentential form, alluding to a common truth or general wisdom with some
(rudimentary) literary value used to guide action, explain a situation, or
induce a feeling or attitude”. Hence, proverbs can be seen as specialized and
solidified chunks of language, with specific values that are cut out for a
specialized usage, and based on the definition of style as „the way in which a
language is used in a given context by a given person, for a given purpose‟
(Leech and Short, 1985), we can possibly see proverbs as an aesthetic effect
achieved through language and as a kind of style in language use.
One can deduce from the foregoing that
proverbs are statements which aim at philosophical proclamations through the
use of wit, allusion, and imagery, and most times are based on shared beliefs
or assumptions held prior to, or during occasion of interaction (mutual
contextual beliefs), and which can be
found in virtually all cultures and languages of the world, including the
Ohafia variety of Igbo culture.
1.1 A Sociocultural Background of the Ohafia-Igbo People
Igbo is the official native language of
the Igbo people(often erroneously spelt and pronounced "Ibo" because
certain Europeans had difficulty making the /ɡ͡ b/ sound), who are indigenous
linguistic and cultural people of southern Nigeria. Geographically,
the Igbo homeland is divided into two
unequal sections by the Niger River– an eastern (which is the
larger of the two) and a western section.(Ofomata, 2005).
Known as Ndi Igbo in the Igbo language and sometimes identified
by their respective Igboid dialects or subgroupings,
such as the Anioma (many Anioma do not consider themselves as
Igbos) and the Ngwa,
the culture of the Igbos has been shaped primarily by Igboland's rainforest
climate, its historic trades, ancient migration folklores and social ties with
its neighbours as well as far-flung trading and political allies and lately
with the Europeans through colonization and
the entire Western World through globalization.
They speak Igbo,
which includes various Igboid languages and dialects, one of
which is the Ohafia dialect, spoken by people from Ohafia.
Ohafia is a town situated in the present-day
Ohafia Local Government Area of Abia State, in the South Eastern part of
Nigeria. With an estimated population of 920,000 (NPC, 2011), Ohafia as an Igbo
group or clan consists of 26 villages of varying sizes, most of which trace
their ancestry to a common father, Uduma Ezema Atita. Thus, the people are
often referred to as Ohafia Uduma Ezema. Their traditional homeland covers
about 176 kilometres in the western part of the middle Cross River, and marks
the eastern limit of Igbo land in that area. Some anthropological literatures
have described Ohafia as a Cross River Igbo people. This description not only
reflects their geographical location, but also the importance of that river to
the people in the past. Ohafia has both Igbo and non-Igbo neighbours, the
former include Abiriba and Edda to the North,
Ihechiowa to the
South, and Abam to the West. To the East, the latter include Biakpan, Agbanwan,
Ikwun and Usukpam, all of which occupy a narrow strip of territory sandwiched
between Cross River in the east and Ohafia in the west The traditional Ohafia
society did not constitute a single centralized polity; it was instead composed
of village republics united into a unique commonwealth. Each of the 26 villages
of Ohafia is an autonomous democracy,
exercising the highest level of effective
political and social control. Ohafia is thus best described as a segmentary
society. Nevertheless, all villages acknowledge the primacy of Elu village
(Njoku 2000).
The ancestors of the Ohafia people were
renowned warriors. According to Ume (1996), in the past, the culture of Ohafia
was hinged around one‟s prowess in war. They were constantly on the lookout for
wars in which to take part. They were invited by neighbouring towns as mercenaries
to help them defeat enemies. The Ohafia warrior history gave birth to the
performance of the iri agha, which
means „war dance‟. During the war times, Ohafia warriors were known not only to
kill their enemies, but behead them and return home with the heads. To them, a
human skull was a souvenir, and it was proof of a man‟s courage which brought
to him different types of honour. Therefore, for the war dance, human heads,
usually three, placed on a plaque was carried on the head by a young warrior who
was usually accompanied by two or more warriors wearing nothing but a loincloth
tied around their waist. They danced to a local drum and chants done by yet
another warrior, narrating the story of their victory (Ume, 1996).
The Ohafia people
have different cultures which form their worldview. One of these is their
matrilineal belief. They believe that a child belongs more to his mother and
her family than to his father; therefore, in the event of the death of both
parents, the child goes to his maternal relations. Also, because the family of
the child‟s father is considered distant relatives, it is permissible for a
person to marry his paternal relative. There are certain gender restrictions in
Ohafia such as clothing restrictions, where women are not allowed to wear
certain wrappers and cloths. There were also access restrictions where women
are not allowed to go to certain places especially certain shrines, and
initiation activities. There were serious consequences for going against these
restrictions.
In Njoku‟s opinion (2000), another
important culture of the Ohafia people is the age grade system; people of a
particular age bracket, usually between two and three year‟s bracket come
together as youths to form an age group. They work together for years to
develop the community through various services such as vigilante services,
peace keeping, and sanitation. When they get to a particular age, usually
mid-life, they pick up a major project such as building a particular road,
providing electricity, and even building a library or school for the community.
When this is completed, they retire from active service to the community, and
are celebrated in a huge retirement ceremony, after which they will be regarded
as senior citizens of Ohafia. Other well embraced cultures include secret
societies, which only men usually belonged to, honorific societies, which men
who had done „exemplary‟ deeds such as fighting in a war belong to.
The Ohafia people, like other Igbo
speaking communities acknowledge four market days: Eke, Afor, Orie, Nkwo, where
groceries as well as other day to day needs are bought. Food stuffs peculiar to
the Ohafia, and some other Igbo speakers are sold here also. The dominant
religion in present day Ohafia is Christianity, but before the advent of
Christianity, deities such as Kalu,
Kamaalu, Ikwan di Orie (Ikwan, the husband of Orie), Orie and many others were worshiped and reverenced. It is in
light of this that festivals were done in Ohafia to appreciate deities as well
as Chineke (the creator) for
different gifts. One of such festivals is the New Yam Festival. This is usually
celebrated after a yam planting season, and is done to thank the creator for a
bountiful harvest, and the new yam is eaten only after this festival.
Ohafia people have various other belief
systems which form their worldview. According to Ume (1996), the Ohafia man
considers himself to be the major protector of his wife, children, and even his
clan, because women are considered to be frail, weak and very vulnerable. Therefore,
the Ohafia men see themselves as demigods to their women. This therefore
subconsciously affects the way they treat their women. On the good side, the
women feel shielded from danger, and safe, but on the other hand, it always
makes some of them feel unimportant. However, Njoku (2000) notes that “…this
line of thought is fast fading, as western education has come to play large
role in giving women a voice”. There is also belief that trouble should be
avoided at all cost, and peace should be reciprocated. Hence, a person or guest
who comes in peace is welcomed with an equal amount of peace. This is taken so
seriously that most Ohafia men usually have nzu
(local clay) in their houses. This clay is smeared on a visible part of the
body of theeir out-of-town guests. These guests then walk around the village
freely, without fear of molestation, because anyone who sees this clay on them
will know that they are legitimate guests, and that they have come in peace. On
the other hand, a person who brings war with him is always met by the ready
Ohafia warriors, who are trained with the skills and coordination to fight
major battles (Njoku, 2000)
1.2 The Ohafia People and Proverbs
Among the Igbos, the art of conversation
is regarded very highly. Besides the wealth of folklore, in the form of fables
and legends, the Igbos have a generous store of proverbs, which are constantly
used in specialized and everyday discourse. It is common knowledge among people
of Igbo descent that indigenous Igbo proverbs play vital roles in speech,
communication and exchange of knowledge and ideas among them. They are so
profuse that often, it is impossible to understand the full meaning of a
conversation without knowing some of the more common proverbs it is bound to
contain.
Frequently, a question is asked to which
no direct answer is given, instead, a proverb is quoted, hence Njoku‟s (2000)
opinion that proverbs are widely used in the traditional society to describe in
very few words, what could otherwise require a thousand words. Igbo proverbs are like storehouses and
archives through which one can dig into Igbo philosophy, culture, economics,
technology and general worldview. Hence Achebe‟s (1958) reference to proverbs
as“… the palm oil with which words are eaten”. In an attempt to elaborate on
Achebe‟s statement, Nwachukwu-
Agbada(2002:18) states that
“It is [for] this aesthetic principle of proverbs being
first and foremost speech ornaments, that the Igbo proverb has been defined as
any utterance which enjoys some traditional and social currency, and which is
meant to beautify discourse and advance a user‟s viewpoint.”
According to Onwuchekwa (2012:16), “the
value of proverbs to the traditional Igbo man would be likened to the value of
the holy book to a religious leader or the value of books to a serious
scholar”. He further implies that proverbs are a body of institution as they
represent the only avenues through which the Igbo man stores and retrieves his
philosophy and civilization. Proverbs also serve historical purposes for the
Igbo users. As Nwachukwu-Agbada (2002:65) puts it, “proverbs have contributed
significantly as authentic indicators of aspects of Igbo history”. Most Igbo
proverbs embody Igbo historical and cultural information, and carry out their
immediate functions by making subtle references to events and phenomena in Igbo
history, in which the Ohafia dialect and people actively participate.
Proverbs are as important to the Ohafia people
as they are to other Igbo speaking communities. Most parts of speeches
delivered during burials, weddings, coronations, political meetings and other
social events are done using proverbs. Hence the need for a total comprehension
and deduction of Ohafia proverbs for a person who speaks Ohafia dialect, lives
or works in Ohafia, or is interested in the Ohafia dialect of Igbo
language
1.3 Statement of the Research Problem
Acheoah‟s
(2012)statement that “half of the 6,000 languages which abound in the globe are
spoken by adults who do not pass them unto subsequent generations” is one of
the reasons for the interest of the researcher in this study. Ohafia dialect of
Igbo language has not been left out of this alarming trait, hence, contemporary
speakers of the language use proverbs
inappropriately, without paying attention
to the peculiarities in the socio-cultural and linguistic contexts, and without
recourse to the fact that the proverbs that have emerged from sub cultures of
Ohafia dialect have more to them than just their structure and general
functions. This therefore leads to possible misinterpretations of the meaning
of proverbs by some native speakers, as well as those who come in contact with
the language, its people and its use.
While linguists have overtime attempted to
shed more light on proverbs, and even Igbo proverbs, little has been done
towards a socio-pragmatic study of Ohafia proverbs. The researcher finds this
line of investigation to be of importance because it also accesses the
peculiarities possessed by the Ohafia proverbs, and the Ohafia dialect. It also
answers the question of the relationship between the Ohafia proverbs, the
culture and the worldview of the Ohafia people.
1.4 Research Questions
Based on the problems mentioned above, this work intends to
answer the following questions
1.
What is the connection
between Ohafia proverbs and the worldview of Ohafia people?
2.
What is the role of
background knowledge and Mutual Contextual Beliefs (MCB) in the proper
understanding of Ohafia proverbs?
3.
How do context of culture
and context of situation determine/affect the use, disambiguation and
comprehension of the meaning of Ohafia proverbs?
4.
Why are proverbs used in
place of direct utterances in certain conversational and communicative
situations?
1.5 Aim and Objectives
Proverbs are culture bound linguistic
elements, just like, in fact the entirety of language, which have the
capability of revealing the cultural nuances of the society that has produced
them (Ume,1996). Hence, the aim of this study is to draw the attention of the
contemporary speakers of Ohafia dialect of Igbo language, as well as all
proverb users to dynamics and the peculiarities in its use. This is done by
pointing out the necessity of interpreting Ohafia proverbs within the confines
of the cultural context in which it has been used.
It is therefore the intention of the researcher that this
study achieves the following objectives:
1.
To describe how the
worldview of the Ohafia people influences their use of proverbs;
2.
To examine the role of
Mutual Contextual Beliefs (MCBs) and background knowledge in the use and
deduction of Ohafia proverbs;
3.
To determine the role of
context of culture, and context of situation in the use, disambiguation and
comprehension of Ohafia proverbs;
4.
To establishthe reason for
the use of proverbs, instead of direct utterances in conversational and
communicative situations;
1.6 Scope and Delimitation
This study focuses on a Socio-pragmatic
analysis; it therefore employs some elements of Sociolinguistics and Pragmatics
in its analysis, using Leech‟s Socio-pragmatic theory and Sapir-
Whorf‟s Linguistic Relativism Hypothesis. Since Igbo is a
language with a vast number of
dialects which are sometimes mutually
unintelligible, this study is restricted to the Ohafia variety of the Igbo
proverbs. This is done also to enable the researcher undertake a thorough
analysis of the peculiarities of the Ohafia people/society, and the ways in
which those peculiarities reflect in their use of proverbs. As has been
foregrounded earlier, Ohafia people are renowned hunters, farmers, and most
distinctively, warriors. This work investigates if and how these occupations
are reflected in their proverbs. Hence data collection is narrowed to one
hundred (100) proverbs used in any of the 26 villages in Ohafia, also to ensure
a detailed and thorough analysis.
1.7 Justification for the Study
There is no doubt that there are a number
of studies on proverbs, some of which were conducted more specifically on Igbo
proverbs. But very little has been conducted on Ohafia proverbs, and none has
been done especially using the framework of socio-pragmatics, to the best of
the knowledge of the researcher. This study focuses on a socio-pragmatic insight
into proverbs used by the Ohafia speakers of the Igbo language. It therefore
considers the social, cultural as well as the linguistic contexts of Ohafia
proverbs in its analysis.
This work sheds more light on the nature
of Ohafia proverbs, identifies the roles played by proverbs in educating
students about the worldview of a people, determine the importance of context
in the interpretation and deduction of Ohafia proverbs, and create an insight
into the reason for the use of proverbs in place of literal sentences in
conversational situations.This research therefore serves as a reference
document for teachers and students of Sociolinguistics, Pragmatics,
Socio-pragmatics, as well as Paremiologists who intend to embark on further
investigations into related areas of study.
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